South Arabia

The Mistry of the First Military Zone of Hadhramaut.

Written By: Khaled Bahhah – Former Prime Minister of Yemen

[su_dropcap]S[/su_dropcap] uccesses of Hadhramaut Elites Troops (Second Military Zone) include guarding the costal strip of Hadhramaut that is nearly 350 km long only through training and qualifying 500 Hadhramauti soldiers of the Coast Guards!! Two years ago, in April 24th, 2016, only 5000 Hadhramauti soldiers managed to liberate Al-Makla from Al-Qaeda terrorists in a night! At the same time, the Second military Zone in its first version with all its brigades and equipment couldn’t protect itself or even defend the city.
According to these clear facts and successes of Hadhramaut Elites, there are legitimate questions that should be imposed about the suspicious existence of the First Military Zone in Hadhramaut Valley and Desert. Why aren’t these troops replaced by Hadhramauti troops? Many of Hadhramauti citizens look at these troops as “occupation troops” remaining since 7-7-1994 war. Its mysterious role is sustained by its loyalty to Al-Houthis coup in February 6th 2015 as its formed commander “Al-Halili” announced his support of the Constitutional Declaration of Al-Houthis while he should assume his responsibilities towards this country.
The First Military Zone claims its loyalty to the legitimacy and its protection to the people, in a tactical move to protect itself. Practically, the valley suffers from clear security loose with many question marks rising about who is causing this and for whom?
The strange thing is that these troops work under influential powers of the legitimacy with support of the Arab coalition who don’t care for public anger against these military units. In a formalistic step, the “Hadhramauti Battalion” was established under this zone as it was meant to absorb this public anger. It was more appropriate that these supreme powers recognize the military and security achievements of Hadhramauti troops and feel more confident in them to preserve and maintain the security and stability of their lands and peoples.
Furthermore, Al-Wadia Border Exit became a den of chaos and influential persons who are absurdly expanding their influence over lands that don’t belong to them. while Hadhramauti youth are being recruited and sent to northern fronts, they are denied their right to protect their own lands. This rises another question. Isn’t it more appropriate that troops of the First Military Zone stationed in Hadhramaut Valley and Al-Mehra mobilize to the northern fronts to liberate them?
Why don’t central authorities and the Arab Coalition entrust Al-Wadia Border Exit to Hadhramaut Elites as they did for the costal strip and sea ports? It is more appropriate that they are to be entrusted to protect the land borders of their governorate as they proved their discipline, honesty and readiness.
The national state project will never go forth unless political, military and security balances are ratified. Hadhramaut will never be part of any future northern/southern agreement unless its land and citizens are secured. This applies to other marginalized governorates, like Tehama, Al-Mehra and Socotra, too.
Hadhramaut believes in real national partnership and opens its doors to all under conditions of justice and rights for all. The responsibility to achieve this lies over the shoulders of Hadhramaut society with all its components that occupy the façade under several names, the last of which is Hadhramaut Inclusive Conference. Such moves are not for show up. Instead, this is a critical stage of national struggle where outcomes are the main reference to success.


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